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Clandestine Deals
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- Written by: Reuben Gift Waretsa
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Clandestine Deals in the Country's Natural Resources
Fuelling Corruption in Zimbabwe
The arrogant and garrulous Zanu PF spokesman, Chris Mutsvangwa surprised many when he bragged at a Business conference at the Victoria Falls, that him and a few clever ones, where making big profits from investments at Manhize. He was mocking opposition politicians that they were busy calling for international sanctions against the Mnangagwa regime whilst he, Mutsvangwa and others are making easy money.
The truth of the matter is not many Zimbabweans know where Manhize is located let alone what business goes on there.
This alone raises many unanswered questions from who owns Manhize, what happens at Manhize and why it appears this is a secret place where only the privileged elite continue to loot and plunder the national resources without accountability.
My first question is who owns Manhize? From my limited knowledge on Manhize, it is a steel plant run by the Chinese Tsingshan Group. I understand this Group has various other projects in Zimbabwe where they have invested billions.
The cause for concern with Manhize is there seems to be really serious business going on there but without visible or tangible direct benefits to the impoverished nation let alone the locals.
This is where the many questions don't seem to get answers.
It would be assumed the Manhize operations are above board when it comes to compliance with state regulations like tax and labour laws. Fair enough. It would also be expected that such a Mammoth project would be so popular enough to eclipse the likes of the legendary Zisco when it comes to the provision of jobs in a country where over 90% of the population is unemployed.
So why is Manhize so concealed?
When the Zanu PF spokesman claims that they are making big profits at Manhize, who does he really refer to here? Could it be the Zimbabwean ‘government’ “regime” or those fat cats again who are notorious at stealing our minerals from the time of Chiyadzwa Diamonds? As always, one never gets answers to these questions. It was very interesting to note that Tendai Biti, a leader of the opposition was part of the panellists on the stage and he was so embarrassed by Mutsvangwa's remarks that he even failed to expose these secretive lucrative deals taking place in the mining sector.
If Manhize is such a big deal, obviously with government having a stake, why is it that the nation is not officially informed about the ongoings there?
After the Chiyadzwa fiasco, Zimbabweans can no longer tolerate further looting of our minerals.
I therefore call for an extensive and comprehensive audit of all the mining operations in Zimbabwe.
President Mnangagwa needs to be reminded that Land and all resources don't belong to him as a President. The land and all the resources on it are the Heritage of the people of Zimbabwe, both present and future. The President needs to fire all nonperforming ministers especially the Ministers of Roads and Road Traffic, Health and Mines.
The minerals must benefit "Vene" (the citizenry). like what is happening in Burkina Faso. There is need to forge smart partnerships where local people collaborate with foreign investors. This will go a long way in creating the much-needed jobs and the Gross Domestic Product.
Shrinking the Democratic Space
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- Written by: Panyika Anselm Karimanzira
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"Shrinking the Democratic Space: The Dictator, Emmerson Mnangagwa, Is at It Again"
This week, kleptocrat and dictator Emmerson Mnangagwa unveiled the Zimbabwe Media Policy.
Cloaked in colourful language and lofty rhetoric, the policy might appear progressive at first glance. But a closer, more critical examination reveals a different reality.
To the discerning citizen, this policy is yet another addition to the regime’s ever-expanding arsenal of repressive tools. Far from promoting transparency or freedom of expression, it resurrects the spirit of the long-repealed Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA). It now joins the ranks of the Maintenance of Peace and Order Act (MOPA), the Private Voluntary Organisations (PVO) Act, the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Amendment Act of 2023—infamously dubbed the “Patriotic Act”—and the Cyber and Data Protection Act.
Collectively, these laws constitute a systematic erosion of Zimbabwe’s democratic space.
The Zimbabwe Media Policy is a framework designed to curtail free speech and media independence. It grants the state sweeping powers—not only over traditional media but also over social media—thus extending its surveillance and control into the daily lives of ordinary citizens.
Central to this policy is a requirement for licensing under a centralised, government-controlled system. In the hands of a dictator, such a mechanism becomes a potent weapon. Media outlets and journalists operate at the mercy of the state. Those who refuse to conform, or who dare to expose corruption and abuses of power, face harsh reprisals.
Journalists are particularly vulnerable. Recent pre-trial detention cases—such as that of Blessing Mhlanga and, before him, Hopewell Chin’ono—demonstrate the real consequences of exposing the corruption and shenanigans of the ruling elite, as well as speaking truth to power. Under this policy, reporters who shine a light on government failures or corruption risk imprisonment.
Foreign journalists are also targeted. They must obtain security clearance from the intelligence services, pay hefty fees, and surrender copies of any documentaries produced during their stay in Zimbabwe. This not only discourages external scrutiny but also tightens the regime’s grip on its international image.
Clause 4.8 (Page 31) of the policy outlines a chilling array of penalties: loss of licenses or accreditation, forced content removal or blocking, mandatory apologies and corrections, disqualification from media awards, and potential legal action.
Big Brother is not just watching us —he is silencing us.
Mnangagwa vs Traore
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- Written by: Victor Simon and DeepSeek AI
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Comparative Leadership: Ibrahim Traoré vs Emmerson Mnangagwa
Ibrahim Traoré (Burkina Faso)
- Traoré, a young military leader, took power in 2022 and is known for his pragmatic, security-focused leadership style12.
- He has prioritized military campaigns against jihadist groups, reforms for good governance, anti-corruption, and economic recovery17.
- Traoré’s popularity has risen, especially among youth, for his bold reforms and practical approach to Burkina Faso’s immediate crises17.
- However, he has extended his transitional mandate, postponed elections, and dissolved his government, raising concerns about democratic backsliding27.
Emmerson Mnangagwa (Zimbabwe)
- Mnangagwa, a veteran politician, became president in 2017 after decades in government34.
- He initially promised economic reforms, anti-corruption measures, and international re-engagement4.
- Despite some achievements, Zimbabwe remains plagued by economic stagnation, political turmoil, and allegations of ongoing corruption and repression5.
- Mnangagwa currently faces internal party divisions, public protests, and accusations of seeking to extend his rule beyond constitutional limits5.
Leadership Comparison Table
| Aspect | Ibrahim Traoré (Burkina Faso) | Emmerson Mnangagwa (Zimbabwe) |
| Background | Military, youngest African leader | Liberation war veteran, long-time politician |
| Key Focus | Security, anti-corruption, reforms | Economic recovery, anti-corruption, political stability |
| Popularity | High, especially among youth7 | Waning, facing protests and party splits5 |
| Democratic Record | Extended transition, delayed elections27 | Accused of seeking unconstitutional third term5 |
| Economic Progress | Early reforms, results pending7 | Limited progress, ongoing crisis5 |
Conclusion
Mnangagwa Failings
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- Written by: John C Burke
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Further Analysis of Mnangagwa’s Policies:
This Article is a continuation of a Question of Talent within Zanu PF and their 'Administration (see previous Article CLICK HERE)
Analysing Emmerson Mnangagwa’s policies as president of Zimbabwe since November 2017 involves examining their intent, implementation, and outcomes across key areas: economic management, governance, infrastructure, agriculture, and foreign relations. The focus here is on their practical impact, drawing from observable results rather than stated goals alone, and situating them within Zimbabwe’s challenging context—marked by decades of decline under Robert Mugabe, international sanctions, and domestic political tensions.
Economic Management
Mnangagwa’s flagship economic policy, encapsulated in the “Zimbabwe is Open for Business” mantra, aimed to attract foreign investment and stabilize the economy post-Mugabe. Key initiatives include:
- Transitional Stabilisation Programme (TSP, 2018-2020): Led by Finance Minister Mthuli Ncube, this austerity-driven plan sought to cut public spending, remove subsidies, and introduce a new currency (the RTGS dollar, later replaced). It included a controversial 2% tax on electronic transactions to boost revenue. Implementation faltered due to public backlash—fuel price hikes in January 2019 sparked deadly protests—and persistent currency instability. Inflation soared to over 500% by 2020, eroding purchasing power.
- Currency Reforms: The reintroduction of the Zimbabwean dollar in 2019 (abandoning the multi-currency system) and the launch of the gold-backed Zimbabwe Gold (ZiG) in April 2024 aimed to curb hyperinflation and black-market trading. While the ZiG has shown early signs of stabilizing exchange rates, public trust remains low due to past currency collapses, and parallel markets persist. Real GDP growth was 8.5% in 2021 (a post-COVID rebound), but it slowed to 3% by 2023, per World Bank estimates, far below the 10% annual target of Mnangagwa’s “Vision 2030” for upper-middle-income status.
- Outcome: Economic policies have failed to deliver sustainable growth or investor confidence. FDI inflows remain negligible (e.g., $340 million in 2022, per UNCTAD), dwarfed by regional peers like Zambia ($1.1 billion). Unemployment exceeds 80% informally, and poverty affects over 70% of the population, per ZimStat 2023 data. Talent in design exists—Ncube’s academic credentials suggest capability—but execution is undermined by corruption and lack of structural reform.
Governance and Political Administration
Mnangagwa promised a break from Mugabe’s authoritarianism, pledging democratic reforms and reconciliation:
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