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Electoral Reforms - Member Views
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- Written by: Various Contributors
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ELECTORAL REFORMS:
A MUST REQUIREMENT FOR A FREE AND FAIR ELECTIONS IN ZIMBABWE.
Most Zimbabweans have understood the unfair handling of the Zimbabwe Elections by ZEC (Zimbabwe Electoral Commission), which we now know are designed to keep ZANU PF party in power through a rigging process. Therefore, we call for a substantive electoral reform in Zimbabwe.
ZEC declared the elections (August 2023) free and fair despite overwhelming evidence of rigged process, making it clear the reality that it is not a neutral organisation. The organisation is controlled by ZANU PF party.
Election Observers 2023 Final report of the Commonwealth highlighted some flaws in what they witnessed in the following statements;
- Observers witnessed tables set up in close proximity to some polling stations in Harare and Bulawayo cities by an organisation called Forever Associates Zimbabwe (FAZ),
- and received reports that members of the organisation were allegedly recording the names and ID of voters.
- They also noted that members of FAZ were conducting citizen observation.
- Their presence fuelled allegations of voter intimidation, since, FAZ is associated with ZANU PF.
They also noted that all three ballot boxes were similar in appearance, which may have caused confusion for voters when trying to drop ballot papers in the right boxes. To assist voters in the voting process and to avoid misplaced ballot papers, ballot boxes should be different colours, corresponding to the colour of the ballot papers.
They observed, in some areas particularly Harare and Bulawayo the polling process started late. In a few instances, ballot papers were not delivered until the afternoon, with one case experiencing delays up to 19:30hrs. These delays could have influenced voter turn out, especially in these densely populated urban areas, and may have caused frustration among voters.
ZANU PF party members and their party president, ED Mnangagwa, are always telling the public on their refusal to agree on reforms, "we can't agree to reform our ourselves out of power." they boast/tease. ZANU PF party's refusal to do the right thing is noted in the 2018 Zimbabwe COG Report recommendations;
- Total recommendations 54.
- Not implemented 27.
Is Zimbabwe a Democracy
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- Written by: Questions by J Burke, ZHRO - Research Answers GROK3
- Category: ZEXIT
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Step One: Estimating "Days in Prison" {or on remand for sentencing, bail or even charges}
X.com GROK3-Link 24th November 2017 to 1st March 2025;
Estimating the total number of "days in prison or on remand" for activists, opposition members, and journalists in Zimbabwe during Emmerson Mnangagwa's term in office (from November 2017 to March 1, 2025) is a challenging task due to the lack of comprehensive, centralized data and the sheer volume of cases involved. However, based on available reports from human rights organizations, news outlets, and official statements, it is possible to piece together a rough estimate by aggregating known instances and extrapolating where data is incomplete. Let’s approach this systematically, acknowledging the limitations and grounding the estimate in documented examples.
Mnangagwa assumed power on November 24, 2017, following a military coup that ousted Robert Mugabe. From that date to today, March 1, 2025, approximately 2,654 days have elapsed (accounting for leap years: 2018 had 365 days, 2019 had 365, 2020 had 366, 2021 had 365, 2022 had 365, 2023 had 365, 2024 had 366, and 2025 has 60 days up to March 1). During this period, numerous reports highlight a pattern of arrests, detentions, and prolonged pretrial remand targeting critics of the government, particularly from the opposition Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC), Transform Zimbabwe, and other activist groups, as well as journalists like Hopewell Chin’ono.
Key Documented Cases
Let’s start with some high-profile examples where the number of days in detention is explicitly reported:
- Job Sikhala (CCC Opposition Leader): Arrested June 14, 2022, and released January 2024 after 595 days in pretrial detention at Chikurubi Maximum Security Prison on charges of inciting public violence and obstruction of justice. This is one of the longest recorded detentions under Mnangagwa’s term.
- Hopewell Chin’ono (Journalist): Arrested multiple times between 2020 and 2021. Reports indicate he spent approximately 94 days in detention across three arrests (e.g., 45 days in 2020 related to the July 31 protests, plus additional periods in 2021). Amnesty International notes over 80 days between July 2020 and January 2021, but cumulative totals suggest slightly more.
- Jacob Ngarivhume (Transform Zimbabwe Leader): Arrested July 23, 2020, and spent 45 days in remand prison before bail. Later arrested April 2020, convicted, and sentenced to 48 months (with 12 suspended), serving roughly 8 months (approximately 240 days) until December 2023. Another arrest on August 2, 2024, led to 82 days in detention until October 23, 2024. Total documented: ~367 days.
- Jameson Timba and 34 CCC Activists: Arrested June 16, 2024, and held until November 27, 2024, when they received suspended sentences. This equates to 164 days each. For 35 individuals, that’s 5,740 days collectively.
- June 16, 2024, CCC Arrests (Broader Group): Over 70 people arrested at Timba’s home. Assuming all were detained for the same 164 days (some reports suggest a few were released earlier), this could be 70 × 164 = 11,480 days. However, subtracting the 35 above (to avoid double-counting), an additional 35 people yields 5,740 more days.
Other Notable Cases:
- Fadzayi Mahere (CCC MP): Detained 7 days in January 2021.
- Tsitsi Dangarembga and Julie Barnes: Arrested July 31, 2020, with short detentions (exact days unclear, likely 1-2 days each).
- Makomborero Haruzivishe: Sentenced in March 2021 for inciting violence, with pretrial detention of uncertain length but likely months, followed by a 1-year sentence (~365 days total).
Post-Independence Geopolitics 2 of 2
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- Written by: AI Sourced Report GROK3
- Category: History of Independence
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A HIGH-GRADE INTELLIGENCE ANALYSIS REPORT:
BRITISH INTELLIGENCE, ZANU-PF, AND ZIMBABWE'S POST-INDEPENDENCE GEOPOLITICS. {GROK3}
IntroductionThe decolonization of Zimbabwe and the subsequent political trajectory of ZANU-PF were not mere coincidences of history but rather the outcome of a meticulously executed geopolitical strategy. The role of British intelligence, specifically MI6, in orchestrating the political dominance of ZANU-PF while systematically neutralizing Soviet-backed ZAPU and ZIPRA forces is well documented through historical records, declassified intelligence reports, and firsthand accounts from key players in Zimbabwe's post-independence landscape. This report aims to dissect the intricate involvement of MI6 in shaping Zimbabwe's political framework following its independence in 1980, with a particular focus on the consolidation of ZANU-PF's power and the broader geopolitical implications in the Southern African region. By analyzing historical events, intelligence operations, and their outcomes, this report seeks to provide a comprehensive understanding of how British interests influenced Zimbabwe's trajectory and why this influence continues to reverberate in contemporary geopolitics.
2. Historical Context: The Pre-Independence Struggle and External Influences
Zimbabwe’s path to independence was marked by a fierce liberation struggle pitting two primary nationalist movements against the white minority Rhodesian government led by Ian Smith. The Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU), led by Robert Mugabe, and the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU), under Joshua Nkomo, emerged as the dominant forces. ZANU, with its military wing, the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA), drew significant support from China, while ZAPU and its Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) were backed by the Soviet Union. This Cold War proxy dynamic positioned Zimbabwe as a battleground for superpower influence.
Britain, as the former colonial power, retained a vested interest in ensuring a stable postcolonial government that aligned with Western interests rather than falling into the Soviet sphere. The Lancaster House Agreement of 1979, which paved the way for Zimbabwe’s independence, was a critical juncture where British diplomacy—and by extension, MI6—played a pivotal role. The agreement, brokered in London, ensured a ceasefire, elections, and a transition to majority rule, but it also laid the groundwork for British influence over the emerging political order.
3. MI6’s Strategic Role in ZANU-PF’s Ascendancy
3.1 Orchestrating the 1980 Elections
The 1980 elections, which saw ZANU-PF secure a landslide victory, were not merely a democratic exercise but a carefully managed operation with British fingerprints. MI6, leveraging its extensive network from the colonial era, including the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO)—originally established under Rhodesian Prime Minister Winston Field in 1963—worked to tilt the scales in favor of Mugabe’s ZANU-PF. Historical accounts suggest that British intelligence provided logistical support, intelligence on ZAPU’s movements, and subtle propaganda to bolster ZANU’s image as the more unifying and capable force.
Post-Independence Geopolitics 1 of 2
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- Written by: AI Sourced Report DeepSeek
- Category: History of Independence
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A HIGH-GRADE INTELLIGENCE ANALYSIS REPORT:
BRITISH INTELLIGENCE, ZANU-PF, AND ZIMBABWE'S POST-INDEPENDENCE GEOPOLITICS {DeepSeek}
1. Introduction
The decolonization of Zimbabwe and the subsequent political trajectory of ZANU-PF were not mere coincidences of history but rather the outcome of a meticulously executed geopolitical strategy. The role of British intelligence, specifically MI6, in orchestrating the political dominance of ZANU-PF while systematically neutralizing Soviet-backed ZAPU and ZIPRA forces is well documented through historical records, declassified intelligence reports, and the memoirs of key intelligence operatives such as Ken Flower. This report provides an incisive examination of the covert operations, diplomatic maneuvers, and intelligence mechanisms that shaped Zimbabwe’s post-independence governance in favor of Western strategic interests.
2. The Cold War Context: British and Western Strategic Interests in Zimbabwe
Following the Second World War, Britain, the United States, and their Western allies sought to prevent Soviet-aligned regimes from gaining political control in strategic African territories. Zimbabwe, a former British colony rich in minerals and agricultural potential, was an area of critical geopolitical importance. The Soviet Union’s sponsorship of ZAPU/ZIPRA under Joshua Nkomo posed a direct threat to Western investments and the influence of former colonial powers.
The refusal of Zimbabwe’s government to permit the USSR to establish an embassy until 1987, nearly seven years after independence, is a clear indicator of an orchestrated effort to sideline Soviet influence. This calculated delay raises significant questions regarding the real nature of Zimbabwe’s purported Marxist-Leninist stance under Mugabe’s leadership.
3. The Role of British Intelligence (MI6) in ZANU-PF's Political Dominance
3.1 Ken Flower and the Central Intelligence Organization (CIO)
Ken Flower, a British-born intelligence officer and head of Rhodesia’s Central Intelligence Organization (CIO), remained a central figure in Zimbabwe’s security architecture even after 1980. His continued tenure post-independence is evidence of the deep-seated British influence in the new Zimbabwean state. Flower’s memoir, *Serving Secretly: An Intelligence Chief on Record, Rhodesia into Zimbabwe 1964-1981*, provides compelling evidence of his liaison with MI6 and the CIA, as well as the extent to which British intelligence continued to shape Zimbabwe’s internal affairs after official independence.
The failure of Mugabe’s government to purge the CIO of British-aligned operatives further substantiates the claim that ZANU-PF’s victory was not merely a result of battlefield success but a calculated outcome influenced by Western intelligence operations.
Chief Ndiweni's Message
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- Written by: Chief F Ndiweni
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This is a recording by Chief Felix NhlaNhlaYamangwe Ndiweni on the 18th of February 2025.
The recording is with respect to the petition that will be handed in to 10 Downing Street on the 20th of February 2025. This petition is touching on the matter of the possibility of ED Mnangagwa extending his term of office to 2030. Throughout the recording, I will be making reference to the ZANU-PF Administration.
This is in respect to the fact that the ZANU-PF Administration did not get the electoral mandate from the people of Zimbabwe to form a government. So it is in error, we cannot refer to them as the government of Zimbabwe. All we can do is refer to them as the ZANU-PF Administration because they did not achieve the electoral mandate to form a government.
"To the matter of ED Mnangagwa extending his term of office post 2030."
This is greatly, greatly concerning on many fronts. But to put it in a nutshell, there is nothing new that actually that would do for Zimbabwe. When I say new, I am referring to new as in positive or developmental that could be brought in for the nation state.
All that we can expect is the same of what we have in currently and indeed a lot worse.
Before going into depth about the possibility of this extension across the African continent we have seen many leaders who have remained in office for many years indeed. And even though they have remained in office for many years indeed against the will of their own people, they have not been able to achieve a great deal for those people nor indeed for those nations.
In fact, the reverse, the converse has happened whereby those nations have suffered even more at the hands of these leaders that have been in office for many decades. And from the Cape to Cairo, we have many, many examples of this. And so it is greatly concerning that even in today in Zimbabwe 2025, there are people
who think it is a good idea for an individual to be in office a long time.
There is concern in greatly. We can look at the example of Syria under Bashir al-Assad who was recently removed. He was in office for 24 years, he came to office in 2000 and whilst in office he committed many, many atrocities, culminating in the Syrian war which we have all seen whereby he was supported by the Russian administration under Vladimir Putin for many years, for a number of years. And yet when the takeover occurred, we were amazed to see that here is this huge force
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